Women in Yemen: A Profile
Yemen has endured more than a decade of conflict that has deeply affected the country’s political, economic, and social fabric, as well as women’s wellbeing.
Yemeni women face serious challenges and restrictions on their mobility from the Houthi forces controlling the North, as well as the internationally recognized government and the Southern Transitional Council sharing power in the South. Yet across both regions, women are central to families’ economic survival and community resilience.
Yemen currently ranks as the lowest performing country in the MENA region and the second worst overall according to GIWPS’ 2025 Women, Peace and Security Index, which ranks 181 countries on 13 indicators of women’s inclusion, justice, and security. Despite Yemen’s continued position at the bottom of GIWPS’s Women, Peace and Security Index—reflecting the harsh realities for Yemeni women and girls—the country’s score has risen 21 percent since the inaugural 2017/2018 WPS Index. While its improved score did not shift Yemen’s ranking on the WPS Index relative to other countries (due to various factors discussed in the WPS Index report) it reflects the efforts of Yemeni women who continue to organize and rebuild despite unimaginable hardship.
The stories of Yemeni women in the more conservative North and the relatively progressive South both reveal not only the structural inequalities but also the quiet transformations unfolding amid the devastation of war. GIWPS interviewed two Yemeni women civil society leaders: Gabool Al Mutawakel, co-founder of the Youth Leadership Development Foundation in the capital San’aa in the north of Yemen; and Afraa Hariri, the Yemen Office Chief Manager for the Peace Track Initiative based in the historically strategic port of Aden in the south of Yemen. Their insights paint a picture of the leading role Yemeni women are already playing and their hopes for the future.
These interviews have been edited for length.
The status of women in Yemen today
What are the biggest challenges facing Yemeni women today?
Afraa: We live in a fragile “no peace, no war” reality, marked by vertical and horizontal corruption and fragmentation. Women have to navigate this difficult environment and they work tirelessly to prove their leadership but they face exclusion from political decision-making. Conflict parties and elites—more than society itself—block women’s advancement. Disunity among women’s organizations also weakens collective influence.
Yemen consistently ranks among the lowest countries in global indicators of women’s well-being and inclusion. From your perspective, what explains this persistent gap?
Gabool: Reliable data on Yemen is scarce and often fails to reflect realities on the ground. I question why Yemen is labeled “the worst place for women.” In Sana’a where I live, I can drive, work, and appear publicly without a veil if I wish. Rural areas face more hardship, but urban-based data doesn’t always capture that nuance. Many global rankings rely on access indicators that miss social context. While conditions are difficult, the lowest rankings don’t tell the full story of Yemeni women’s lives.
How would you describe women’s current situation, especially in the South?
Afraa: In the liberated South, women fare relatively better than in other countries affected by conflict like Iraq or Syria. Arbitrary detentions or honor killings are rare. North Yemen remains more restrictive. Political participation is still limited—no women ministers or vice-ministers—though some serve in the judiciary. Economic hardship and teachers’ strikes have led to higher school dropouts. Tribal leaders are often more open to women than outsiders believe, and I question claims that Yemen is “the worst place for women.’
How does proximity to current conflict zones affect women’s safety and work?
Gabool: In Sana’a, there’s no ground fighting, but frequent airstrikes from the US and Israel create fear and disrupt life. Businesses suffer, and people avoid going out during bombardments. Despite this, women can still go out, drive, and work. Gender gaps persist mainly due to poverty, limited education, and conservative norms, not outright insecurity. With more resources, women’s conditions would improve significantly.
Yemen has shown improvement on the WPS Index between 2017–2025, particularly in technology use and education. What drives these gains?
Gabool: Access to mobile phones has been transformative, connecting women to information, income, and learning even from home. Economic necessity also forced change; families can’t survive on one income, so women now work and study out of need, which gradually shifts perceptions. Overall, technology, necessity, and evolving norms have expanded women’s participation in ways unseen a decade ago.
To what extent is the Yemeni diaspora supporting women inside Yemen?
Gabool: The diaspora includes many skilled women, but links to local groups are weak. Some support local initiatives through organizations abroad, yet sustained collaboration remains limited. Overall, we’ve seen few long-term partnerships between diaspora women and grassroots organizations.
What are the most urgent needs for Yemeni women today, and how have they evolved?
Gabool: Needs differ by region, but economic empowerment remains the key, it strengthens women’s financial, social, and political agency.
The economic role of women amidst civil war
How has the war affected women’s employment?
Afraa: Many women entered the workforce for the first time, taking jobs as waitresses, receptionists, or entrepreneurs. These roles are now accepted. More women than men now head households and hold multiple jobs to sustain their families.
Many Yemeni households are now headed by women. How are they sustaining their families?
Gabool: Women have kept families afloat as men lost jobs or income. They’ve started small businesses–in cooking, baking, sewing, selling jewelry online–and taken any work available, mostly informal and home-based. Some have formalized enterprises where possible, but most remain unregistered. In cities, women’s entrepreneurship is clearly rising, even if not captured in official data.
Will this participation decline once men return to work?
Gabool: It’s uncertain. It depends on post-war economic dynamics and whether women’s roles remain valued. But women have already proven capable providers, and that recognition may be irreversible.
Can you tell us more about the social enterprises you lead?
Gabool: I founded Ward cafe in 2021 (ward means flower in Arabic) a safe, all-women space serving 90–100 women daily. It offers work and study areas, childcare, gym access, a small cinema, and affordable food. It’s a community hub for students, freelancers, and entrepreneurs. Ward inspired several similar cafés in Sana’a and allows members to host workshops and sell their products. Another project I lead is the Girls’ Center, which provides training in technology, entrepreneurship, English, and computer skills. It includes an education bank that offers tuition grants, a nursery, and professional incubators where women run small ventures, from cloud kitchens to digital studios. It currently serves around 200 women and girls. The third project is the Leaders School; a private school for children aged 3–14 combining Yemen’s curriculum with leadership, technology, and critical thinking for 350 students.
What lessons can be drawn from these ventures?
Gabool: Women often hesitate to promote themselves due to social pressure and fear of criticism. Economic independence must go hand-in-hand with confidence-building. Empowerment requires courage, competitiveness, and skills, when women gain financial control, they gain social and political power.
Women in peacebuilding and civil society
What is the status of women’s participation in the peace process?
Afraa: There’s been no active process for nearly two years. Only one woman participated in the Stockholm consultations in 2018. Today, the government lacks real sovereignty, with Saudi Arabia and the UAE exerting control. The Houthis act independently after years of Iranian backing. The country would be better off without external actors interfering in Yemeni affairs.
Do women in peacebuilding or human rights work receive compensation?
Gabool: Very few. Most see this as social responsibility rather than paid work. Before 2015, peace and human rights efforts were more institutionalized; now they’re often voluntary and focused on community resilience. Some women run small social enterprises to combine service with income generation.
What are the differences between civil society in the North and South of Yemen?
Afraa: NGOs face heavier restrictions in the North. In southern areas like Aden, Taiz, and Hadramout, civil society is far more active. The north-south divide is not only affected by geography, but also political history and culture. Coastal areas are more open, whereas mountain regions tend to be more conservative, but over time, unification exposed the North to more modern ideas. In the liberated areas in the south, we are not directly affected by airstrikes, those mostly target Sana’a in the North. Peacebuilding here takes many forms, training, capacity building, and awareness-raising. Sometimes it is volunteer work; sometimes it offers modest stipends that barely cover transport.
Have recent funding cuts affected your work?
Afraa: Yes. We had planned projects to localize the WPS agenda with local partners, but projects were canceled due to lack of funds. We are still seeking new donors.
Final thoughts
How can the international community better support Yemeni women?
Afraa: Real change must come from within both men and women. The international community can finance projects and apply pressure on political authorities, but it must also listen to local voices. Currently, funding for women’s programs has declined sharply. Donors can help by ensuring that local stakeholders determine priorities based on what truly suits their communities. International actors should not just focus on their own agendas.
What message do you want to share with the world about Yemeni women?
Gabool: Yemeni women are competent, resilient, and full of potential. They only need recognition and opportunity.
Despite the challenges, what gives you hope?
Afraa: Yemeni women have a proud history, they resisted occupation and built the nation. They can shape the future too. What they need is recognition and inclusion. Regional actors like Saudi Arabia and the UAE, who are now transforming their own societies, must also respect and listen to Yemeni women. They should treat Yemeni women with the same dignity and opportunity they give their own.
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