The Absence of Accountability: How Agreements in the DRC Fail to Address Sexual Violence
Six months after the M23 rebels launched a lightning-fast offensive in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), leaders from the DRC and Rwanda met to sign a peace deal facilitated by the United States on June 27, 2025. The deal advanced efforts to quell fighting between two groups, the M23 rebels—reportedly backed by Rwanda—and Congolese security forces. Shortly after, government leaders from the DRC signed a ceasefire and declaration of purpose with the M23 rebels on July 19, 2025, in Doha. Although the Doha declaration failed to meet its August 18 deadline to finalize a peace deal, these agreements are positive developments towards halting the violence and devastation that have wracked the DRC since January 2025. Yet, both agreements have a blind spot, as neither acknowledges the rampant sexual violence that characterized the conflict and was committed by combatants on all sides.
When M23 rebels captured the key cities of Goma in late January 2025 and Bukavu soon after, reports quickly emerged of widespread human rights violations. M23 rebels reportedly conducted summary executions and looting, while thousands of Congolese were forced to flee to neighboring cities. Amidst the chaos, M23—as well as state security and civilian paramilitary—used sexual violence as a weapon of war during the sieges. Nearly 10,000 cases were reported in just January and February 2025, though the numbers are likely higher. Local NGOs and international organizations working on the ground reported seeing a record number of sexual violence cases in eastern DRC, with cases spiking after the attacks. Most of the survivors were women, and many were displaced from their homes with nowhere to go. Some survivors witnessed their husbands being killed in front of them or kidnapped by armed men who stormed their home. Such accounts make clear the importance of recognition and accountability for survivors of these violations.
Despite the enormous scale of sexual violence within the conflict, both agreements fail to acknowledge this issue. The June 27 peace agreement between the DRC and Rwanda does not mention any plans for holding perpetrators of human rights violations—including sexual violence—accountable. While there is a brief acknowledgement that violations of international humanitarian law occurred, it is mentioned in the context of how to incorporate M23 rebels into state forces rather than what violations occurred or how they impacted women and girls. Integrating perpetrators of sexual violence into state forces without accountability risks normalizing and perpetuating sexual violence. It enables assaults to continue by combatants who are now legitimized by the state, posing a direct threat to civilian women. The agreement thus risks denying survivors of sexual violence recognition, justice, and non-repetition while instead providing violators with protection. Similarly, the July 19 ceasefire agreement and Declaration of Principles signed by both the Congolese government and the M23 rebels lack any mention of sexual violence. Without provisions for survivors of sexual violence or other types of human rights violations, the ceasefire makes no attempt to hold perpetrators accountable or deter members from committing future violence.
While acknowledgement of sexual violence in these two agreements is absent, other actors are pursuing efforts to address these violations and demonstrate both the pervasiveness of sexual violence and the importance of holding perpetrators accountable. In February 2025, Karim Khan, the prosecutor for the International Criminal Court (ICC), arrived in the DRC to investigate alleged crimes, indicating that the ICC is taking these violations seriously. He affirmed that he is seeking accountability specifically for gender-based crimes and discussed the need for reparations and justice for survivors of sexual violence. Although these efforts may be impeded by the Court’s lack of enforcement mechanisms and reliance on governments to extradite citizens for trial, they send a powerful signal.
The systematic use of sexual violence by both sides in the conflict means that incorporating justice mechanisms for survivors is crucial to lasting peace in the DRC. Not addressing sexual violence during M23’s incursion in eastern DRC will likely lead to overlooking a primary harm disproportionately suffered by women and girls during conflict, as well as exacerbating intercommunal tensions and undermining any future recovery efforts.
All parties involved in the eastern DRC’s peace process should prioritize recognition, support, and justice for survivors of sexual violence and work to prevent recurrence. Discussions or agreements related to this conflict should comprehensively include the needs and voices of women who have been sidelined—especially survivors of sexual violence—and should incorporate provisions specifically addressing these patterns of violence. Future meetings between stakeholders on the processes and implementation of the DRC-Rwanda peace deal may provide another avenue through which to acknowledge and tackle this issue. With the DRC and M23 rebels now considering a draft agreement pursuant to their declaration of purpose, recognizing and providing redress and non-repetition to survivors of sexual violence should be a priority.
Elizabeth Markwick (MSFS ’26) is studying Global Politics and Security at Georgetown University. She has been working with the Conflict Tracker team at the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace, and Security since October 2024 and is passionate about the intersection of democracy and human rights.
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