One year after the fall of the Assad regime, the Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security (GIWPS) hosted members of the Syrian Women’s Political Movement (SWPM), Mariam Jalabi, Nour Salam, and Muzna Dureid for a virtual discussion on how this historic shift is reshaping daily life, political participation, and the future of women’s rights in Syria. 

The speakers agreed that for many Syrians, the regime’s collapse was more than a political milestone; it was the end of decades of dictatorship and the beginning of a long journey towards an inclusive and democratic Syria. Dureid started by saying, “The fall of the Assad regime will not only change the future of Syria, but also the future of the MENA region, especially the Levant.” Speakers described a collective sense of relief at witnessing a turning point that once felt impossible. Yet the emotional weight of loss remains heavy. Families continue to mourn those killed, detained, or disappeared, and the complexity of rebuilding a country shattered by 13 years of conflict has only just begun.

Despite the turbulence, there are glimmers of hope. Jalabi stated, “There is a huge opening. I have already been to Syria five times in one year.” Syrians are starting to return to their country after years of living in exile or as refugees. Women now have more space to work and participate in public life, and civil society remains one of the most trusted connectors across fragmented communities. Syria’s re-engagement with the international community, through diplomatic visits, UN Security Council briefings, and shifts in global perceptions, indicates the beginning of a new chapter. These developments, while still symbolic, offer Syrians a feeling that their country is re-entering the world after years of isolation.

In the political sphere, the Syrian Women’s Political Movement, established in 2017, is a testament to the evolution of political organizing. Born from a desire to ensure women’s voices were not marginalized, the movement pushed for women’s representation at a very critical moment. It successfully secured 15 percent of the seats at a major Syrian opposition conference. Its members have long worked to bring authentic perspectives from inside Syria to political negotiations abroad, often conducting consultations with local women whose needs and fears are usually overlooked.

Yet the landscape remains difficult. “Yes, Assad has fallen, but there is no shared plan for what comes next,” said Salam. Weapons are widespread, sectarian tensions persist, and different groups control different territories. Basic services are lacking in many areas; infrastructure is devastated; and nearly 90 percent of the population still lives below the poverty line. These conditions make daily choices a burdensome exercise, such as deciding whether to send a child to school or keep them home for safety in some areas. 

The recent parliamentary elections underscored these challenges. With no political parties, no real civic education, and the absence of politics from Syria even before the war, many people did not understand the purpose of voting or the role of parliament. While the results were widely criticized (most seats went to men from the Sunni Muslim majority, with few women and religious minorities elected), the elections did spark something important: an awareness among Syrians that political organization matters. Still, women secured only five percent of the contested seats, a stark reminder of how much work remains.

Transitional justice is another area of concern. Victims and families are desperate to know the whereabouts of missing loved ones, yet concrete justice mechanisms inside Syria remain absent. Evidence collected in exile presents questions about trust, process, and implementation. As speakers noted, Syria must confront not only crimes committed during the Assad era but also new violations occurring amid the transition. Justice cannot be a symbolic gesture; it must be a pillar of governance and a sustained process that includes security sector reform, truth-telling, with the experiences and struggles of women at the center.

Amid these challenges, the speakers emphasized the need for solidarity and support. Women’s organizations—many of which operate informally—are doing critical work but face shrinking resources. Flexible funding is essential for these groups to continue serving their communities and participating in decision-making. There is also a growing need for political literacy, institution-building, and civic education to prepare Syrians for eventual elections and constitutional processes. 

Above all, the conversation made clear that this moment holds both possibilities and risks. Syria is beginning to imagine new political systems and institutions, but without sustained local and international support, the window of opportunity could narrow quickly. Women must remain at the center of the constitutional process, transitional justice efforts, and the rebuilding of governance structures. Their engagement is not just a matter of representation; it is an imperative for peace. Jalabi noted, “We live under patriarchal, militarized, political systems globally, yet there is an opening for us to get our foot in and be an example for what women can do”. 

The speakers closed by reflecting on the resilience of Syrian women who have carried heavy burdens yet continue to build alliances across the region from Libya and Tunisia to Lebanon, Palestine, Yemen, and Iran. Their collective voice has reduced fear, strengthened resolve, and offered a blueprint for feminist political influence in times of profound upheaval.

Syria stands at a crossroads. The revolution may have opened the door, but the work of shaping the country’s future has only begun. The question now is whether the international community—and Syria’s own emerging institutions—will seize this moment to support women, invest in civil society, and lay the foundation for a just and inclusive peace.

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